Singabloodypore

In the 10 November protests in Malaysia organised by Bersih (Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections - a group of 64 civil-society groups and five opposition political parties), 40,000 participants tried to march from the city center to the Istana Negara, the king's palace despite a governmental ban. The protests, led by former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim, managed to submit a petition to the king asking for the royalty to intervene and bring about poll reforms.

If it is any indication of how Malaysians are taking it to the streets to protest again the electoral system, they merely follow the spread of a revolutionary fever for democracy and human rights that is slowly beginning to engulf the Asian continent. In Burma, ordinary citizens and highly revered monks protested against the fuel hikes which has made their life unbearable. In Pakistan, President Musharraf declared a state of emergency as people rallied against his despotic rule.

In Singapore, the government appears to be immune to this spread of people power even though the autocratic regime has been ruling with an iron fist for more than 40 years since Independence. What are the factors preventing or holding Singaporeans back from protests?

Firstly, the reluctance of civil society organisations, NGOs and some opposition parties to denounce the government's heavy handed rule. With the exception of Singapore Democratic Party (SDP), most NOGs, CSOs and opposition parties believe it is better and more sensible if they work within the framework and boundaries set up by the ruling party. For NGOs and CSOs, the problem with adopting such a stance is that it reduces the purpose of activism to a silly caricature of what it purports to be. Activism is about making social and policy changes, not pandering to any higher form of powers. For many political parties, its main purpose is to gain votes and become the Opposition or the government. However, that can only work in a democratic system where there are free and fair elections. In Singapore, since the elections are neither free nor fair, Opposition parties have an additional duty to educate the voters on the need for electoral reforms.

Secondly, the government has consistently portrayed protests as chaotic and likely to contribute to social disorder or degenerating into riots. In using such ludicrous explanations, it paints those who supports the freedom of assembly to "troublemakers and potential troublemakers". These arguments further push many NGOs and political parties into believing that peaceful protests should not be used as a avenue for activism.

Lastly, Singapore's history of large scale protests dated much longer as compared to Malaysia, Pakistan, and Burma. In Burma, the 1988 uprising occurred twenty years ago due to changing of currency notes. In Pakistan where protests are more common, the last large scale protests occurred in March this year over the dismissal of Chief Justice Iftakar Mohammed Chaudhry. In Malaysia, the Reformasi movement erupted in 1998 due to the sacking and arrest of Anwar Ibrahim. The more recent history of such protests helps remind the people that there exists a glimmer of hope and possibility for people power. In Singapore, the lack of any large scale protests in its recent history deprives its citizens the imagination and possibility of people power. It also gives the illusion that the regime is more popular that it really is.

That said, it does not mean that large scale peaceful protests will not happen in Singapore. However, activists need to understand that these events do not happen miraculously or overnight. It involves a lot of hard work. It requires NGOs and activists to come together and plan the protests; besides expressing solidarity with other like-minded groups. Taking the Bersih as an example, the protests happened because the activists were working the grounds, calling average Malaysians to defy the ban through its members and groups; while organisers face threats of imprisonment and harassement from the police.

A protest for free and fair elections in Singapore is not unreasonable considering that our current electoral system is very similar to our Malaysian counterparts. For example, the redrawing of constituencies to destroy the chances of opposition gaining seats; vote-buying behaviour through cash handouts and promising residential area upgrades; and a pro-state media which denigrates the Opposition parties, especially during election period.

It is time the Opposition and civil society work together for a free and fair elections. Taking a cue from our Asian friends who are or have been struggling for the similar ideals, peaceful protests should not be discounted as a viable voice to tell the world and the Singapore government that like our Asian neighbours, we desire for a democratic nation that holds genuine free and fair elections.